E-Commerce and Economic Development in Angola

E-Commerce and Economic athletic field in AngolaABSTRACTIn this report as the title tells, I approach the scotch instruction of Angola in terms of genius of its major(ip) developer, the ne bothrk and ecommerce. I nominate d bingle this because it is often impossible to glean important facts and insights astir(predicate) much(prenominal) countries which a b entirely club pronounces shortsighted or third world. In the chapters that follow, I will relate to the ecommerce and its effect of stinting development of Angola, comp atomic chip 18 Angola with a developing uncouth as well as with an underdeveloped nation.for the first time stinting development is discussed in relation to electronic commerce in order to show the complexities and ease cogitate to drawing a clear define betwixt the two forms. Secondly frugal development is discussed in relation to ecommerce, economy, culture, elements which influence the issue in one way or an separate.For, as sh altogether be repe atedly seen, problems like scotch support from a developed state prolong a close and chronic relation to the values and social structures which a society regards as st fitting and normal. My emphasis will be, however, on the problem itself, called ecommerce and its effect on the economic development of Angola.CHAPTER 1INTRODUCTIONIntroductionelectronic CommerceElectronic commerce, generally identified as (electronic marketing) e-commerce or eCommerce, consists of the buying and selling of products or run everywhere electronic systems for example the Internet and opposite computer networks. The total of address conducted electronically has grown unusually with widespread Internet usage. The use of commerce is conducted in this way, spurring and drawing on innovations in electronic funds transfer, leave chain prudence, Internet marketing, online deal touch oning, electronic data interchange (EDI), inventory management systems, and automated data collection systems. advanced( a) electronic commerce typically uses the World Wide Web at least at well-nigh drumhead in the deals lifecycle, although it nominate encompass a wider paradigm of technologies such as e-mail as well. (Miller, 2002)Internet EcommerceThe previous ten eld harbor seen the earnings and e-commerce surface as fundamental features of our employment, communal and educational life. Developments for example Web 2.0, the semantic web, e-g everywherenment strategies, user generated content, virtual worlds and online social networks study redesign the way we commune, commix and transact.The Evolution of Electronic CommerceThe m any(prenominal) means in which patronage is carried out are based on established suppositions and accords between the parties concerned. Numerous procedures piddle been concord upon to safeguard both the consumer and the merchant from deception or theft. Even in the simplest form of dealcash changing hands directly between buyer and sellera sales receipt is classically provided as a record of what turned out. As we move into the electronic strain field, the means of protection become much and more concerned.The essence of ecommerce is buying and selling of goods and gos over the Internet. The advantages are fairly self-evident. Because the Internet is readily accessible by millions of prospective customers worldwide, suppliers and customers provide interact in a dynamic environment where supply and demand truly regulate the economic cycle. Organisations of any size, from sole proprietorships to transnational corporations, can splay their business to sink in young customers in rising markets, few even achieving a notable level of readiness. The sole proprietor is able to broaden the scope of his/her business to a mass market approach, go the multinational corporation can now focus on niche markets heretofore considered too costly to access apply the traditional mechanisms for market penetration. (Austin, 1999)Further st udy discloses some detail downsides to the Internet business paradigm. What you basically obligate is computers (presumably being operated by human beings) concern responsive pecuniary data by means of a widely-available communications base of operations. Unexpectedly the matters of office (being able to attribute a deal to the actual instigator) and office (attributing responsibility to for each one actor for their part of the deal) become more live than ever.A lot of propaganda has been generated over the initial incursions into electronic commerce. It seems ubiquitously we turn someone is singing the p burns of electronic catalogues, online shopping, electronic check writing, web-based advertising and customer prospecting, and on and on. The truly brave can even purchase a car over the Internet. But these consumer-oriented business activities pickings place on the Internet today are just the tip of the iceberg. From the perspective of true international commerce, we bugger off not yet begun to do business electronically.Infrastructure of EcommerceThe main issue that overlooks to be dealt with sooner electronic commerce can convey on its assurance is the development of an international infrastructure that all of the main players can be in agreement upon. In most circles this infrastructure is called the International Information Infrastructure (GII).This electronic infrastructure essential desexualize available all of the compensations affected for a healthy e-commerce strategy Security-enabled. This is essential to permit development of convenient solutions which provide accountabilityknowing the palpable who in a deal. beyond that, the ability to impute indebtedness to any and all parties concerned in completing a deal is a must for business. For suppliers, e-commerce will be about establishing the identity of the individuals who represent the parties concerned. It means that all participants have a confident reliance on users identit y, while holding each party liable to put to death their post in the deal. (Jacobsen, 2000) Ultra-reliable. In electronic commerce, transactions take place without those worried ever concourse in person, and that implies the need for a technology showing and dependability factor of 99.99%, especially for mission-vital applications. An infrastructure must be reliable and trusted on a continuous basis. Any weak connection in its safety measures will deliver the all told impracticable for serious electronic commerce. International. Electronic business cannot be restricted to the country of origin. As we progress into the future, e-commerce must transcend national boundaries.We need an unequivocal e-commerce infrastructure. To be really effectual, e-commerce providers will need an infrastructure which is international in its nature, or recognise that electronic business is closed by national boundaries. discrete from the international mass user and point solutions-based Internet m arket of today, large organisations are get critically heedful that they will need to manage accountability and financial obligation in providing any significant level of customer security, especially with end-user customers, but especially in business between themselves in their interactions with employees, partners and suppliers. (Jacobsen, 2000)After two decades of declining economic performance, Angola is trustworthyly staging a promising revival. Over the past several historic period, average real economic enlargement in the kingdom has increase vitally while, in a developing number of countries, real gross domestic help product (gross domestic product) per capita has been positive. In 1998, scorn pecuniary turmoil in Asia and Latin America, Angola enjoyed its fourth consecutive year of positive GDP blowup.Nevertheless, Angolas current economic revival remains fragile. Up to construe working out has not yet reached the sustain levels that are essential to allev iate widespread poverty endemic to the region. A number of hurdles still need to be effectively addressed and deluge if the render process and current revival are to lead to broad-based and sustainable development for Angola. Furthermore, conditions vary widely among the forty-eight states of Angola and this diversity must be taken into account in assessing the countrys prospects.Fortunately, as this article seeks to demonstrate, there are reasons to be optimistic that many Angolan states can overcome the remaining hurdles to continue expanding upon. A new generation of Angolan leaders and entrepreneurs and current developments in the areas of underground sector expansion, debt mitigation, regional economic integration, and telecommunications have the potential difference to economic expansion in means not heretofore anticipated.Regional Transformation And Economic RevivalAngolas up to check economic performance has indeed been encouraging. Between 1990 and 1997, the numbe r of Angolan states registering annual expansion rates of three to six portion nearly doubled, from fourteen in the first base of the decade to twenty-six in 1997, while seven Angolan states had expansion rates of six to eight percent. According to the International Finance Corporation (IFC), after to the highest degree two decades of stagnation and decline, real GDP in Angola was growing at an average rate in 1997 of four to five percent a year. The World confide reported that over eighty percent of countries (thirty-eight out of forty-eight) registered increase per capita incomes in 1997, as their rates of economic expansion exceeded their population expansion rate. (World Bank Group, 1998) According to the most up to epoch data, 1998 was the fourth consecutive year that GDP per capita did not fall, an event that has not happened in Angola since the late 1970s,(Department Of Econ. Soc. personal business United Nations Conference On commerce Dev., 1999) while the 3.3% exp ansion in 1998 GDP was the amplyest among all regions of the world. (Economic Soc. Poly Div., Economic Commn For Afr., 1999)Increased macroeconomic stabilitya result of sound financial and policy-making policieshas been encouraging increased levels of investment in the region over the past several years. Average inflation set down from a peak of xlv percent in 1994 to an estimated twelve percent in 1998, with only cardinal Angolan states still experiencing double-digit inflation rates by 1997, compared with thirty-five in 1994, match to the IMF. There has in like manner been a vital lessening in internal and foreign financial imbalances. The average impertinent current account deficit (before grants) fell from 5.5% of GDP to 4% over the uniform period, while the average overall fiscal deficit (a strain before grants) was halved between 1992 and 1997, to about 4.5% of GDP.(Calamitsis, 1998) As a result, investment in the region has been steadily growing, fit in to the I FCs 1998 report. In 1998, gross domestic investment rose to twenty-three percent of GDP, from lows of about fifteen percent in the early 1990s. Private investment has also increased, registering 10.6% of GDP in 1996, the highest level since 1981. Long-term snobbish capital flows to Angola in 1997 reached $8 billion, twice as high as in the previous year.along with investment levels, Angolan trade and export earnings have increased. While Angolas handle of total world trade has not changed, the volume of Angolan exports is expanding almost as fast as international trade and Angola is emerging as a viable international trading partner. Angolas trade volume increased by eight percent in 1997, correspond to UN s, with exports having expanded roughly twice as fast as GDP in up to date years.The regions up to date expansion has been widely attributed to the efforts of a new generation of qualify-minded Angolan leaders in key countries who, finished the adoption of democratic and mark et-based transforms, have make substantial progress in moving their countries toward political and macroeconomic stability. Many Angolan states continue to implement trade liberalisation and privatisation programmes that are lay offing up their markets and serving them to become more active participants in international commercial activity and economic progress. In such a positive political and economic environment, private sector led trade and investment can now play an progressively important role in requireing broad-based expansion and sustainable development to the region.Some countries in Angola have already begun to reap the rewards that can result from sounder fiscal and monetary policies, increased regional economic integration, and speed up privatisation programmes. Chief among the rewards is expanded trade, investment, and access to the international marketplace, as international companies increasingly look to Angolas emerging economies and Angolan entrepreneurs and pr ivate sector organisations seek to play a more visible role in the economies of their countries. These trends suggest that the growing private sector in Angola has real potential to become an important engine for expansion and economic development in the region, as it has already in another(prenominal) regions of the developing world.Investment And refinement contempt the up to date positive economic trends and expansion of the private sector in Angola, as we enter the new millennium, sustained, broad-based economic development in the region remains one of the most formidable policy challenges facing the country. According to the United Nations Economic Commission for Angola (ECA), in order for Angola to cut its poverty in half by the year 2015, a development objective often cited by Angolan governments and their development partners, the region as a whole would require a yearly GDP expansion rate of seven percent. For this to happen, an investment of thirty-three percent of GDP would be needed for Angola as a whole. Achieving domestic investment of thirty-three percent looks increasingly foreignly, as two of the three components of domestic investment are declining or stagnant. While the regions current domestic savings rate is only estimated at fifteen percent, annual inflows of foreign direct investment (FDI) remain low, and the levels of official development assist of up to date years are declining.The renewed expansion in many countries has not yet reached, let alone been sustained at, levels that would alleviate the widespread poverty endemic to the region. The capacious majority of the regions population continues to live at levels well below the poverty line, with forty percent living on less than one dollar a day, according to the World Bank. (The World Bank Group, 1999)Furthermore, the globalisation phenomenon, which has been high light-hearteded by growing economic integration and rapid technological change, has often meant increased prosperi ty for those countries able to compete in an increasingly combine international economy, but steady decline and marginalisation for those not able to compete. Still, too many countries have remained generally on the sidelines, saddled by debt and relying generally on foreign assist for many of their development needsat a time when such assistance is on the decline.Among the current obstacles to reaching levels of expansion that will bring broad-based development to the region, the adjacent three matters pose peculiarly vital challenges (1) the uncertain future of the transform process, (2) Angolas debt burden, and (3) the regions limited union in the international trading system.A Delaying TransformationAlthough more than thirty countries have launched political and economic transform programmes over the ultimately decade, the transform process has not been uniform across the country. Angolan leaders in some countries have been unwilling or unable to implement transform prog rammes, sometimes as a result of political or civil instability. In other countries, the difficulties or costs of transform have threatened to undermine the process and raise the possibility that a country could desolate the process before it has had sufficient time to bear fruit. For example, Zimbabwe has only recently re-instituted some protectionist measures, including increased duties and re-sentencing restrictions in response to mounting foreign transposition twitchs. Moreover, trade regimes in many Angolan states remain complex and restrictive compared with those of most other developing countries. such(prenominal) regimes isolate their domestic producers and prevent them from becoming more fully combined into the international trading system.In addition, the privatisation process has been sluggishthe victim of public mistrust and a lack of consensus among policymakers. In an up to date World Bank study that shed light on the problems of privatisation in Angola, the lack of political commitment, poor design, substandard resources, weak management, and corruption were cited as major factors inhibiting the process. The report highlighted the need for Angolan governments to improve public information as the most powerful tool for ensuring transparency, helping to build consensus, and assuring commitment and accountability in the process. (White Bhatia, 1998)Poor economic environments and policies in some countries have also inhibited increased trade and investment. These conditions have caused rampant inflation and high engagement rates and have prevented Angolan policymakers from fully abandoning foreign exchange controls and other restrictions. Earlier that year, Botswana became the first and only country in Angola to abolish all forms of exchange controls, (Steyn, 1999) while in some countries, inflation continues to lead to debilitating currency crisis. In Malawi, for example, inflation is now hovering at around 53% (up from 18.5% recorded at th e same period in 1998), an indicator that the currency may need to be devalued yet again, after a devaluation of 67% in 1998. (Pan Angolan News Agency, 1999) Continued volatility in the Angolan market environment underlines the need for continued success in the transform process.The Liability BurdenIn addition to delaying transform, Angolas external liability burden continues to be a major obstacle to investment and pull ahead expansion, particularly in the highly indebted poor countries. Many Angola economies are unusually indebted with an average of twenty percent of GDP going directly to liability servicing, according to UNCTAD. (Sachs Stevens, 1998) In 1998, liability service increased to $35 billion, or more than thirty-one percent of goods and nearly three percent of service exports, up from $33 billion in 1997. The external liability of Angolan states rose moderately from $349 billion in 1998, according to the ECA.As a proportion of exports and GDP, the external liability of Angola is the highest of any developing region. not only does Angolas liability deter private investment, including foreign direct investment, but it also impedes public investment in physical and human infrastructureinvestment vital to a countrys economic development. The IMF estimated that, by the end of 1999, Angolas liability to GDP ratio would rise to almost sixty-eight percent, up from cardinal percent two years earlier. (International monetary Fund, 1998) The region will continue to be crippled by mounting liability, draining it of needed resources that could otherwise be invested back into the regions economy, unless there is more rapid and effective liability allayer matched with sustained expansion.Angola in the International Trading System and International EconomyAngola is before long facing growing marginalisation in the international economy with its share of international achievement and trade in decline. Despite rising levels of Angolan domestic production an d trade volumes over the last several years, the countrys share of international trade has continued to declineit was less than two percent in 1997. If the region is to gain an economic foothold and develop into the beside century, it must attract more investment and trade, and become a more competitive trading partner in the new international economic system. change magnitude commitments to the World plow Organisation (WTO) and other regional accords thereby becoming a more active participant in the international trading systemis one way for Angola to attract investment and trade.The Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations resulted in the creation of a stronger set of rules government international trade and the creation of the WTO, the heritor to the General Accords on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Unfortunately, many countries in Angola were generally unable and unprepared to effectively participate in the negotiations and, partly as a result, have not been able to take advantage of the new international trading system.Although eighty-five percent of Angolan states are currently members of the WTO, limited trained supply and other pressing needs prevent many of them from active participation in WTO developments, further trade negotiations, and death penalty of existing Uruguay Round accords. In addition, they have as yet been unable to take full advantage of numerous unilateral, bilateral, and multilateral preferential trading aims knowing to help expand access for Angolas products and integrate Angolas economies into the world trading system. The region is more likely to reap a larger share of international production and trade if it more actively participates in and undertakes meaningful commitments in the international trade organisation that is fostering the expansion of world trade. channel To Further working out And Sustainable DevelopmentIn light of the existing challenges, what measures now need to be pursued to address these constrai nts and consolidate and build on the gains Angolas transformers have do over the past several years? According to Evangelos A. Calamitsis, former Director of the Angolan Department of the International Monetary Fund, the present economic upswing in Angola, unlike other recoveries in the past, has been largely native and is therefore more likely to continue. However, Angolas present revival is most likely to endure if Angolan leaders can sustain and broaden the process toward transform and capitalise on several areas of strength that are breathing new life into the debate on private sector expansion and economic development.Staying the Road to TransformationAlthough outside the scope of this article, developments in Angolan states that are not counted as leading transformers can greatly influence the overall prospects for expansion on the country. For example, the fighting in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and in Angola can have a negative conc ussion on the investment climate in neighbouring countries. On the other hand, the return of civilian rule in Nigeria and the prospects of better economic management can do a great deal to blow up investor confidence in the economic prospects for the country as a whole.Angolan leaders need to continue the political and economic transform process and encourage its spread to those countries that have not yet undertaken transforms. Many Angolan leaders have already demonstrated that they get word what needs to be done and have initiated the process. Still, the process must continue. If the region is to achieve high-quality and sustained expansionexpansion that will lead to poverty reduction and broad-based developmentin the years ahead, the transform process must be revitalize so that the changes become inexorably woven into the regions economic fabric. By go on to implement sound fiscal and monetary policies and by accelerating the privatisation and trade liberalisation process, A ngolan states will be proving to the international business community that Angola is serious about transform and ready and willing to do business.Despite up to date uplift in the international economic environment, most Angolan states have resisted protectionist pressures. Their commitment to continue trade liberalisation highlights a general recognition among Angolas economic policymakers that increased trade has beenand will continue to bea key to expansion. In addition, Angolas growing participation in the WTO and regional trading arrangements by institutionalising policy transforms and binding lower tariffs and other trade liberalising measures can help to prevent countries from resorting to protectionist measures in the future.Role of Angolas Development PartnersAngolas developed trade partners and the international financial institutions must continue to support regional transform if the process is to be sustainable. While Angolan states retain primary ownership and responsib ility, for the process, the international community can support their efforts by (1) pursuing policies that erect world economic expansion and financial stability and expand the regions access to international markets, (2) providing meaningful liability relief, (3) act to supply technical and financial assistance to countries committed to transform, and (4) assisting Angolas regional economic groupings. Several up to date bilateral and multilateral initiatives demonstrate the commitment of some developed countries to support the regions up to date economic progress.While early speculation as to the potential impact of the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations on the least-developed Angolan states was largely pessimistic following the Rounds conclusion, up to date bilateral and multilateral efforts are focusing on helping Angola take advantage of specific areas where it actually stands to gain as a result of the Round. According to an up to date report by the United Stat es International Trade Commission on the Uruguay Round and U.S.-Angola trade flows, these gains can range from facing fewer restrictions and lower tariffs overall, affecting all WTO members, to specific market-access provisions that may benefit Angola in particular.(U.S. Intl Trade Commission, 1998)Efforts are also underway to expand existing preferential trading schemes like those under the Lome Convention and the U.S. Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) programme. For example, the Angolan Expansion and Opportunity Act (AGOA), now before the U.S. Congress, extends GSP to eligible Angolan beneficiary countries through June 30, 2008. In addition, the legislationas passed by the Housewould authorise the President to extend duty-free sermon under the GSP programme to all imports from transforming Angolan beneficiary countries, including those now considered to be import-sensitive. The changes to the GSP programme would support Angolas transformers by allowing their products incre ased access to international markets and would help to further integrate Angola into the international trading system, thereby increasing considerably the regions future economic prospects.In addition, a number of bilateral and multilateral technical assistance programmes in up to date years have sought to increase Angolas meaningful participation in WTO and diversify the regions trade. For example, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has funded a number of activities to increase Angolan governments mental object in the telecommunications area and in dealing with other WTO-related subjects. At the same time, some Angolan governments have recognize the importance of participating more actively in the work of the WTO in Geneva. As a result, developed and developing countries have joined together in proposals to have the WTO trade ministers at their meeting in Seattle in November 1999 and call for the WTO to improve and expand its technical assistance programmes for developing countries.Liability ReductionIn the area of liability relief, international pressure has been mounting to expand the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative in Angola. Launched by the World Bank and the IMF in 1996, the programme aims to provide exceptional liability relief assistance to forty-one eligible countries that are pursuing transforms, eighty-five percent of which are in Angola, according to the IMF.(Katsouris, 1998) Although to date, only two Angolan states, Uganda and Mozambique, have benefited from the HIPC Initiative (with a twenty percent and a two-thirds reduction of their respective debts), Burkina Faso, Cote d Ivoire, and Mali are scheduled to fulfill actual liability reduction in the next three years, according to the ECA.At the June 1999 Cologne Summit, the G-7 reached accord on the enhanced HIPC liability relief initiative. This scheme will provide high-velocity, broader, and deeper relief for HIPC countries. The agreed enhancements to th e HIPC Initiative accept, almost entirely, President Clintons proposals, as laid out during his address to the U.S.-Angola Ministerial in March 1999. The new HIPC will include a exigency to use savings from liability reduction to provide increased spending on social needs and human development. The $90 billion of liability reduction will require supernumerary resources from the creditor governments and the international financial institutions. Under the proposal, up to 10 million ounces of the IMFs 104 million ounces of metallic reserves would be sold in phases, with investment interest used to reduce the liability load of thirty-three poor countries in Angola.Paralleling the HIPC Initiative are unilateral and bilateral efforts that support faster and broader reduction of Angolas liability. For example, in March of 1999, the Clinton administration announced a new U.S. initiative that, if fully implemented, would amount to an additional $70 billion in liability cancellation for th e heavily indebted poor countries. The Presidents initiative provides for (1) a focus on early cash flow relief by the international financial institutions, (2) fatten out forgiveness of bilateral concessional loans and ninety percent forgiveness of non-concessional liability, (3) a future international commitment to make at least ninety percent of new aid on a grant basis, and (4) the channelling of resources from the HIPC Initiative into education or environmental protection projects. In addition, on September 29, 1999, President Clinton announced at the IMF/World Bank annual meeting that he will seek legislative authorisation to forgive ascorbic acid percent of the liability of HIPC countries owed to the United States when relief will help finance basic human needs.Regional Economic Integration and GlobalisationA growing number of Angolan leaders issue to recognise the potential benefits of increased economic cooperation and have been supporting efforts at economic integration . Although many of the Angolan regional economic organisations, such as SADC, COMESA, WAEMU, and ECOWAS, have existed for a long time, only recently have these regional groupings taken vital steps toward the creation of free trade areas. The creation of larger integrate Angolan markets should result in enhanced opportunities for foreign and domestic investment, great competition among firms, better utilisation and parceling of resources, internal and external economies of scale, and increased efficiency resulting from specialisation. Further, by enhancing trade among themselves as well as diversifying and expanding their production base, Angolan states stand to increase trade with other regions as well, thereby increasing the countrys share of international trade.The United States and international organisations have been supporting Angolas economic integration efforts. At the March 1999 Ministerial concussion on Angola in Washington, D.C., the United States reaffirmed its conti nuing commitment to providing technical assistance to Angolas economic integration organisations such as EAC, SADC, IGAD, and COMESA and announced plans for extending that support to a greater number of regional groupings. Bilateral cooperation between the United States and SADC has been expanding over the last several years, a development highlighted by the first ever SADC-U.S. forum held in mid-April, 1999, in Botswana, where officials announced plans for the future memorial tablet of a joint Business Council that would facilitate permanent dialE-Commerce and Economic Development in AngolaE-Commerce and Economic Development in AngolaABSTRACTIn this report as the title tells, I approach the economic development of Angola in terms of one of its major developer, the internet and ecommerce. I have done this because it is often impossible to glean important facts and insights about such countries which a society pronounces poor or third world. In the chapters that follow, I will relat e to the ecommerce and its effect of economic development of Angola, compare Angola with a developing country as well as with an underdeveloped nation.Firstly economic development is discussed in relation to electronic commerce in order to show the complexities and ease related to drawing a clear line between the two forms. Secondly economic development is discussed in relation to ecommerce, economy, culture, elements which influence the issue in one way or another.For, as shall be repeatedly seen, problems like economic support from a developed state have a close and continuing relation to the values and social structures which a society regards as stable and normal. My emphasis will be, however, on the problem itself, called ecommerce and its effect on the economic development of Angola.CHAPTER 1INTRODUCTIONIntroductionElectronic CommerceElectronic commerce, generally identified as (electronic marketing) e-commerce or eCommerce, consists of the buying and selling of products or se rvices over electronic systems for example the Internet and other computer networks. The total of trade conducted electronically has grown unusually with widespread Internet usage. The use of commerce is conducted in this way, spurring and drawing on innovations in electronic funds transfer, supply chain management, Internet marketing, online deal processing, electronic data interchange (EDI), inventory management systems, and automated data collection systems. Modern electronic commerce typically uses the World Wide Web at least at some point in the deals lifecycle, although it can encompass a wider range of technologies such as e-mail as well. (Miller, 2002)Internet EcommerceThe previous ten years have seen the internet and e-commerce surface as fundamental features of our business, communal and educational life. Developments for example Web 2.0, the semantic web, e-government strategies, user generated content, virtual worlds and online social networks have redesign the way we c ommune, intermingle and transact.The Evolution of Electronic CommerceThe numerous means in which business is carried out are based on established suppositions and accords between the parties concerned. Numerous procedures have been agreed upon to safeguard both the consumer and the merchant from deception or theft. Even in the simplest form of dealcash changing hands directly between buyer and sellera sales receipt is classically provided as a record of what turned out. As we move into the electronic business field, the means of protection become more and more concerned.The essence of ecommerce is buying and selling of goods and services over the Internet. The advantages are fairly self-evident. Because the Internet is readily accessible by millions of prospective customers worldwide, suppliers and customers can interact in a dynamic environment where supply and demand truly regulate the economic cycle. Organisations of any size, from sole proprietorships to multinational corporatio ns, can expand their business to reach new customers in new markets, some even achieving a notable level of efficiency. The sole proprietor is able to broaden the scope of his/her business to a mass market approach, while the multinational corporation can now focus on niche markets heretofore considered too costly to access using the traditional mechanisms for market penetration. (Austin, 1999)Further study discloses some specific downsides to the Internet business paradigm. What you basically have is computers (presumably being operated by humans) trading responsive financial data by means of a widely-available communications infrastructure. Unexpectedly the matters of accountability (being able to attribute a deal to the actual instigator) and accountability (attributing responsibility to each participant for their part of the deal) become more vital than ever.A lot of propaganda has been generated over the initial incursions into electronic commerce. It seems ubiquitously we turn someone is singing the praises of electronic catalogues, online shopping, electronic check writing, web-based advertising and customer prospecting, and on and on. The truly brave can even purchase a car over the Internet. But these consumer-oriented business activities taking place on the Internet today are just the tip of the iceberg. From the perspective of true international commerce, we have not yet begun to do business electronically.Infrastructure of EcommerceThe main issue that requires to be dealt with before electronic commerce can convey on its assurance is the development of an international infrastructure that all of the main players can be in agreement upon. In most circles this infrastructure is called the International Information Infrastructure (GII).This electronic infrastructure must make available all of the compensations needed for a healthy e-commerce strategy Security-enabled. This is essential to permit development of convenient solutions which provide accoun tabilityknowing the real who in a deal. Beyond that, the ability to impute liability to any and all parties concerned in completing a deal is a must for business. For suppliers, e-commerce will be about establishing the identity of the individuals who represent the parties concerned. It means that all participants have a confident reliance on users identity, while holding each party liable to perform their role in the deal. (Jacobsen, 2000) Ultra-reliable. In electronic commerce, transactions take place without those worried ever meeting in person, and that implies the need for a technology presentation and dependability factor of 99.99%, especially for mission-vital applications. An infrastructure must be reliable and trusted on a continuous basis. Any weak connection in its safety measures will deliver the whole impracticable for serious electronic commerce. International. Electronic business cannot be restricted to the country of origin. As we progress into the future, e-commerce must transcend national boundaries.We need an absolute e-commerce infrastructure. To be really effectual, e-commerce providers will need an infrastructure which is international in its nature, or recognise that electronic business is closed by national boundaries. Distinct from the international mass user and point solutions-based Internet market of today, large organisations are becoming critically attentive that they will need to manage accountability and liability in providing any significant level of customer security, especially with end-user customers, but especially in business between themselves in their interactions with employees, partners and suppliers. (Jacobsen, 2000)After two decades of declining economic performance, Angola is currently staging a promising revival. Over the past several years, average real economic expansion in the region has increased vitally while, in a growing number of countries, real gross domestic product (GDP) per capita has been positive. In 1998, despite financial turmoil in Asia and Latin America, Angola enjoyed its fourth consecutive year of positive GDP expansion.Nevertheless, Angolas current economic revival remains fragile. Up to date expansion has not yet reached the sustained levels that are essential to alleviate widespread poverty endemic to the region. A number of hurdles still need to be effectively addressed and overcome if the transform process and current revival are to lead to broad-based and sustainable development for Angola. Furthermore, conditions vary widely among the forty-eight states of Angola and this diversity must be taken into account in assessing the countrys prospects.Fortunately, as this article seeks to demonstrate, there are reasons to be optimistic that many Angolan states can overcome the remaining hurdles to sustained expansion. A new generation of Angolan leaders and entrepreneurs and current developments in the areas of private sector expansion, debt relief, regional economic integr ation, and telecommunications have the potential to economic expansion in means not heretofore anticipated.Regional Transformation And Economic RevivalAngolas up to date economic performance has indeed been encouraging. Between 1990 and 1997, the number of Angolan states registering annual expansion rates of three to six percent nearly doubled, from fourteen in the beginning of the decade to twenty-six in 1997, while seven Angolan states had expansion rates of six to eight percent. According to the International Finance Corporation (IFC), after almost two decades of stagnation and decline, real GDP in Angola was growing at an average rate in 1997 of four to five percent a year. The World Bank reported that over eighty percent of countries (thirty-eight out of forty-eight) registered increased per capita incomes in 1997, as their rates of economic expansion exceeded their population expansion rate. (World Bank Group, 1998) According to the most up to date data, 1998 was the fourth co nsecutive year that GDP per capita did not fall, an event that has not happened in Angola since the late 1970s,(Department Of Econ. Soc. Affairs United Nations Conference On Trade Dev., 1999) while the 3.3% expansion in 1998 GDP was the highest among all regions of the world. (Economic Soc. Poly Div., Economic Commn For Afr., 1999)Increased macroeconomic stabilitya result of sound financial and political policieshas been encouraging increased levels of investment in the region over the past several years. Average inflation fell from a peak of forty-five percent in 1994 to an estimated twelve percent in 1998, with only fifteen Angolan states still experiencing double-digit inflation rates by 1997, compared with thirty-five in 1994, according to the IMF. There has also been a vital reduction in internal and external financial imbalances. The average external current account deficit (before grants) fell from 5.5% of GDP to 4% over the same period, while the average overall fiscal d eficit (again before grants) was halved between 1992 and 1997, to about 4.5% of GDP.(Calamitsis, 1998) As a result, investment in the region has been steadily growing, according to the IFCs 1998 report. In 1998, gross domestic investment rose to twenty-three percent of GDP, from lows of about fifteen percent in the early 1990s. Private investment has also increased, registering 10.6% of GDP in 1996, the highest level since 1981. Long-term private capital flows to Angola in 1997 reached $8 billion, twice as high as in the previous year.Along with investment levels, Angolan trade and export earnings have increased. While Angolas share of total world trade has not changed, the volume of Angolan exports is expanding almost as fast as international trade and Angola is emerging as a viable international trading partner. Angolas trade volume increased by eight percent in 1997, according to UN s, with exports having expanded roughly twice as fast as GDP in up to date years.The regions up to date expansion has been widely attributed to the efforts of a new generation of transform-minded Angolan leaders in key countries who, through the adoption of democratic and market-based transforms, have made substantial progress in moving their countries toward political and macroeconomic stability. Many Angolan states continue to implement trade liberalisation and privatisation programmes that are freeing up their markets and helping them to become more active participants in international commercial activity and economic progress. In such a positive political and economic environment, private sector led trade and investment can now play an increasingly important role in bringing broad-based expansion and sustainable development to the region.Some countries in Angola have already begun to reap the rewards that can result from sounder fiscal and monetary policies, increased regional economic integration, and accelerated privatisation programmes. Chief among the rewards is expanded trade, investment, and access to the international marketplace, as international companies increasingly look to Angolas emerging economies and Angolan entrepreneurs and private sector organisations seek to play a more visible role in the economies of their countries. These trends suggest that the growing private sector in Angola has real potential to become an important engine for expansion and economic development in the region, as it has already in other regions of the developing world.Investment And ExpansionDespite the up to date positive economic trends and expansion of the private sector in Angola, as we enter the new millennium, sustained, broad-based economic development in the region remains one of the most formidable policy challenges facing the country. According to the United Nations Economic Commission for Angola (ECA), in order for Angola to cut its poverty in half by the year 2015, a development objective often cited by Angolan governments and their development partn ers, the region as a whole would require a yearly GDP expansion rate of seven percent. For this to happen, an investment of thirty-three percent of GDP would be needed for Angola as a whole. Achieving domestic investment of thirty-three percent looks increasingly unlikely, as two of the three components of domestic investment are declining or stagnant. While the regions current domestic savings rate is only estimated at fifteen percent, annual inflows of foreign direct investment (FDI) remain low, and the levels of official development assistance of up to date years are declining.The renewed expansion in many countries has not yet reached, let alone been sustained at, levels that would alleviate the widespread poverty endemic to the region. The great majority of the regions population continues to live at levels well below the poverty line, with forty percent living on less than one dollar a day, according to the World Bank. (The World Bank Group, 1999)Furthermore, the globalisation phenomenon, which has been highlighted by growing economic integration and rapid technological change, has often meant increased prosperity for those countries able to compete in an increasingly integrated international economy, but steady decline and marginalisation for those not able to compete. Still, too many countries have remained largely on the sidelines, saddled by debt and relying primarily on foreign assistance for many of their development needsat a time when such assistance is on the decline.Among the current obstacles to reaching levels of expansion that will bring broad-based development to the region, the following three matters pose particularly vital challenges (1) the uncertain future of the transform process, (2) Angolas debt burden, and (3) the regions limited participation in the international trading system.A Delaying TransformationAlthough more than thirty countries have launched political and economic transform programmes over the last decade, the transform process has not been uniform across the country. Angolan leaders in some countries have been unwilling or unable to implement transform programmes, sometimes as a result of political or civil instability. In other countries, the difficulties or costs of transform have threatened to undermine the process and raise the possibility that a country could abandon the process before it has had sufficient time to bear fruit. For example, Zimbabwe has only recently re-instituted some protectionist measures, including increased duties and exchange restrictions in response to mounting foreign exchange pressures. Moreover, trade regimes in many Angolan states remain complex and restrictive compared with those of most other developing countries. Such regimes isolate their domestic producers and prevent them from becoming more fully integrated into the international trading system.In addition, the privatisation process has been sluggishthe victim of public mistrust and a lack of consensus among p olicymakers. In an up to date World Bank study that shed light on the problems of privatisation in Angola, the lack of political commitment, poor design, insufficient resources, weak management, and corruption were cited as major factors inhibiting the process. The report highlighted the need for Angolan governments to improve public information as the most powerful tool for ensuring transparency, helping to build consensus, and assuring commitment and accountability in the process. (White Bhatia, 1998)Poor economic environments and policies in some countries have also inhibited increased trade and investment. These conditions have caused rampant inflation and high interest rates and have prevented Angolan policymakers from fully abandoning foreign exchange controls and other restrictions. Earlier that year, Botswana became the first and only country in Angola to abolish all forms of exchange controls, (Steyn, 1999) while in some countries, inflation continues to lead to debilitati ng currency crisis. In Malawi, for example, inflation is now hovering at around 53% (up from 18.5% recorded at the same period in 1998), an indicator that the currency may need to be devalued yet again, after a devaluation of 67% in 1998. (Pan Angolan News Agency, 1999) Continued volatility in the Angolan market environment underlines the need for continued success in the transform process.The Liability BurdenIn addition to delaying transform, Angolas external liability burden continues to be a major obstacle to investment and further expansion, particularly in the highly indebted poor countries. Many Angola economies are unusually indebted with an average of twenty percent of GDP going directly to liability servicing, according to UNCTAD. (Sachs Stevens, 1998) In 1998, liability service increased to $35 billion, or more than thirty-one percent of goods and nearly three percent of service exports, up from $33 billion in 1997. The external liability of Angolan states rose moderately from $349 billion in 1998, according to the ECA.As a proportion of exports and GDP, the external liability of Angola is the highest of any developing region. Not only does Angolas liability deter private investment, including foreign direct investment, but it also impedes public investment in physical and human infrastructureinvestment vital to a countrys economic development. The IMF estimated that, by the end of 1999, Angolas liability to GDP ratio would rise to almost sixty-eight percent, up from fifty-two percent two years earlier. (International Monetary Fund, 1998) The region will continue to be crippled by mounting liability, draining it of needed resources that could otherwise be invested back into the regions economy, unless there is more rapid and effective liability relief matched with sustained expansion.Angola in the International Trading System and International EconomyAngola is currently facing growing marginalisation in the international economy with its share of in ternational production and trade in decline. Despite rising levels of Angolan domestic production and trade volumes over the last several years, the countrys share of international trade has continued to declineit was less than two percent in 1997. If the region is to gain an economic foothold and develop into the next century, it must attract more investment and trade, and become a more competitive trading partner in the new international economic system. Increasing commitments to the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and other regional accords thereby becoming a more active participant in the international trading systemis one way for Angola to attract investment and trade.The Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations resulted in the creation of a stronger set of rules governing international trade and the creation of the WTO, the successor to the General Accords on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Unfortunately, many countries in Angola were generally unable and unprepared to effect ively participate in the negotiations and, partly as a result, have not been able to take advantage of the new international trading system.Although eighty-five percent of Angolan states are currently members of the WTO, limited trained staff and other pressing needs prevent many of them from active participation in WTO developments, further trade negotiations, and implementation of existing Uruguay Round accords. In addition, they have as yet been unable to take full advantage of numerous unilateral, bilateral, and multilateral preferential trading schemes designed to help expand access for Angolas products and integrate Angolas economies into the world trading system. The region is more likely to reap a larger share of international production and trade if it more actively participates in and undertakes meaningful commitments in the international trade organisation that is fostering the expansion of world trade.Road To Further Expansion And Sustainable DevelopmentIn light of the e xisting challenges, what measures now need to be pursued to address these constraints and consolidate and build on the gains Angolas transformers have made over the past several years? According to Evangelos A. Calamitsis, former Director of the Angolan Department of the International Monetary Fund, the present economic upswing in Angola, unlike other recoveries in the past, has been largely homegrown and is therefore more likely to continue. However, Angolas present revival is most likely to endure if Angolan leaders can sustain and broaden the process toward transform and capitalise on several areas of strength that are breathing new life into the debate on private sector expansion and economic development.Staying the Road to TransformationAlthough outside the scope of this article, developments in Angolan states that are not counted as leading transformers can greatly influence the overall prospects for expansion on the country. For example, the fighting in the Democratic Republi c of the Congo, between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and in Angola can have a negative impact on the investment climate in neighbouring countries. On the other hand, the return of civilian rule in Nigeria and the prospects of better economic management can do a great deal to bolster investor confidence in the economic prospects for the country as a whole.Angolan leaders need to continue the political and economic transform process and encourage its spread to those countries that have not yet undertaken transforms. Many Angolan leaders have already demonstrated that they understand what needs to be done and have initiated the process. Still, the process must continue. If the region is to achieve high-quality and sustained expansionexpansion that will lead to poverty reduction and broad-based developmentin the years ahead, the transform process must be revitalised so that the changes become inexorably woven into the regions economic fabric. By continuing to implement sound fiscal and monetar y policies and by accelerating the privatisation and trade liberalisation process, Angolan states will be proving to the international business community that Angola is serious about transform and ready and willing to do business.Despite up to date turbulence in the international economic environment, most Angolan states have resisted protectionist pressures. Their commitment to continue trade liberalisation highlights a general recognition among Angolas economic policymakers that increased trade has beenand will continue to bea key to expansion. In addition, Angolas growing participation in the WTO and regional trading arrangements by institutionalising policy transforms and binding lower tariffs and other trade liberalising measures can help to prevent countries from resorting to protectionist measures in the future.Role of Angolas Development PartnersAngolas developed trade partners and the international financial institutions must continue to support regional transform if the pr ocess is to be sustainable. While Angolan states retain primary ownership and responsibility, for the process, the international community can support their efforts by (1) pursuing policies that promote world economic expansion and financial stability and expand the regions access to international markets, (2) providing meaningful liability relief, (3) continuing to supply technical and financial assistance to countries committed to transform, and (4) assisting Angolas regional economic groupings. Several up to date bilateral and multilateral initiatives demonstrate the commitment of some developed countries to support the regions up to date economic progress.While early speculation as to the potential impact of the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations on the least-developed Angolan states was largely pessimistic following the Rounds conclusion, up to date bilateral and multilateral efforts are focusing on helping Angola take advantage of specific areas where it actually stands to gain as a result of the Round. According to an up to date report by the United States International Trade Commission on the Uruguay Round and U.S.-Angola trade flows, these gains can range from facing fewer restrictions and lower tariffs overall, affecting all WTO members, to specific market-access provisions that may benefit Angola in particular.(U.S. Intl Trade Commission, 1998)Efforts are also underway to expand existing preferential trading schemes like those under the Lome Convention and the U.S. Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) programme. For example, the Angolan Expansion and Opportunity Act (AGOA), now before the U.S. Congress, extends GSP to eligible Angolan beneficiary countries through June 30, 2008. In addition, the legislationas passed by the Housewould authorise the President to extend duty-free treatment under the GSP programme to all imports from transforming Angolan beneficiary countries, including those now considered to be import-sensitive. The changes to the GSP programme would support Angolas transformers by allowing their products increased access to international markets and would help to further integrate Angola into the international trading system, thereby increasing considerably the regions future economic prospects.In addition, a number of bilateral and multilateral technical assistance programmes in up to date years have sought to increase Angolas meaningful participation in WTO and diversify the regions trade. For example, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has funded a number of activities to increase Angolan governments capacity in the telecommunications area and in dealing with other WTO-related subjects. At the same time, some Angolan governments have recognised the importance of participating more actively in the work of the WTO in Geneva. As a result, developed and developing countries have joined together in proposals to have the WTO trade ministers at their meeting in Seattle in Novemb er 1999 and call for the WTO to improve and expand its technical assistance programmes for developing countries.Liability ReductionIn the area of liability relief, international pressure has been mounting to expand the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative in Angola. Launched by the World Bank and the IMF in 1996, the programme aims to provide exceptional liability relief assistance to forty-one eligible countries that are pursuing transforms, eighty-five percent of which are in Angola, according to the IMF.(Katsouris, 1998) Although to date, only two Angolan states, Uganda and Mozambique, have benefited from the HIPC Initiative (with a twenty percent and a two-thirds reduction of their respective debts), Burkina Faso, Cote d Ivoire, and Mali are scheduled to receive actual liability reduction in the next three years, according to the ECA.At the June 1999 Cologne Summit, the G-7 reached accord on the enhanced HIPC liability relief initiative. This scheme will provide fas ter, broader, and deeper relief for HIPC countries. The agreed enhancements to the HIPC Initiative accept, almost entirely, President Clintons proposals, as laid out during his address to the U.S.-Angola Ministerial in March 1999. The new HIPC will include a requirement to use savings from liability reduction to provide increased spending on social needs and human development. The $90 billion of liability reduction will require additional resources from the creditor governments and the international financial institutions. Under the proposal, up to 10 million ounces of the IMFs 104 million ounces of gold reserves would be sold in phases, with investment interest used to reduce the liability load of thirty-three poor countries in Angola.Paralleling the HIPC Initiative are unilateral and bilateral efforts that support faster and broader reduction of Angolas liability. For example, in March of 1999, the Clinton administration announced a new U.S. initiative that, if fully implemented, would amount to an additional $70 billion in liability cancellation for the heavily indebted poor countries. The Presidents initiative provides for (1) a focus on early cash flow relief by the international financial institutions, (2) complete forgiveness of bilateral concessional loans and ninety percent forgiveness of non-concessional liability, (3) a future international commitment to make at least ninety percent of new aid on a grant basis, and (4) the channelling of resources from the HIPC Initiative into education or environmental protection projects. In addition, on September 29, 1999, President Clinton announced at the IMF/World Bank annual meeting that he will seek legislative authorisation to forgive 100 percent of the liability of HIPC countries owed to the United States when relief will help finance basic human needs.Regional Economic Integration and GlobalisationA growing number of Angolan leaders appear to recognise the potential benefits of increased economic cooperat ion and have been supporting efforts at economic integration. Although many of the Angolan regional economic organisations, such as SADC, COMESA, WAEMU, and ECOWAS, have existed for a long time, only recently have these regional groupings taken vital steps toward the creation of free trade areas. The creation of larger integrated Angolan markets should result in enhanced opportunities for foreign and domestic investment, greater competition among firms, better utilisation and allocation of resources, internal and external economies of scale, and increased efficiency resulting from specialisation. Further, by enhancing trade among themselves as well as diversifying and expanding their production base, Angolan states stand to increase trade with other regions as well, thereby increasing the countrys share of international trade.The United States and international organisations have been supporting Angolas economic integration efforts. At the March 1999 Ministerial Meeting on Angola in Washington, D.C., the United States reaffirmed its continuing commitment to providing technical assistance to Angolas economic integration organisations such as EAC, SADC, IGAD, and COMESA and announced plans for extending that support to a greater number of regional groupings. Bilateral cooperation between the United States and SADC has been expanding over the last several years, a development highlighted by the first ever SADC-U.S. forum held in mid-April, 1999, in Botswana, where officials announced plans for the future establishment of a joint Business Council that would facilitate permanent dial

The Issue Of Legalising Homosexuality And Prostitution Philosophy Essay

The Issue Of Legalising Homosexuality And Prostitution Philosophy EssayThe issue of legalising of homosexuality and prostitution was investigated by the Wolfenden Committee headed by Sir basin Wolfenden. The Report claimed that it is non the duty of the law to concern itself with im deterrent exampleity. This gave rise to a debate on exampleity and mixer norms. professional Devlin and professor Hart argued extensively attempting to define moralisticity. Is nightspot able to enforce its own religion or ought morality to be enforced by law?Devlin appealed to the idea of orderlinesss moral fabric. He argued that the criminal law must respect and reinforce the moral norms of gild in order to keep social order from unravelling.Societies disintegrate from within more(prenominal) frequently than they argon broken up by external pressures. There is sedition when no common morality is observed and history shows that the loosening of moral bonds is often the first stage of disint egration, so that society is practicedified in taking the same steps to husband its moral code as it does to preserve its government the suppression of vice is as much the laws business as the suppression of subversive activities.Devlin argued that immorality is what each right-minded person considered immoral. Devlin argued that in that location could be no theoretical limit to the r from each one of law no acts are none of the laws business. Breaches of the divided morality do not cause harm to otherwise individuals in the way that murder and assault do, unless none the less they harm society by undermining its moral structure. Even acts like homosexuality amongst consenting adults in private can threaten the existence of society, and therefore society has the right to suppress them. Devlin believed that the limits of tolerance are reached when the feelings of the ordinary person towards a particular form of conduct reaches a certain intensity of intolerance, indignation and disgust. If, for example, it is the genuine feeling of society that homosexuality is a vice so awe-inspiring that its mere presence is an offence, then society may eradicate it.Moral laws or enforcing morality is much wider than one thinks, if we base it on the survival of our society then what is classed a society? Individualism of individuals come together with common interest and form communities but not e very(prenominal) community is common to each other. Although they might share common moral issues, there are still some immoral practises within their communities by which other standards might be considered moral. professor Hart argued with Lord Devlin over issues of enforcing morality. Lord Devlin in his book, The Enforcement of Morals in one of his essays quotes it argues from the majoritys rights to follow its own convictions in defending its social environment from convince it opposes. Does this mean that the majority rules even if they are wrong? A society made up of like minded individuals being the majority, there, must be toleration of the maximum individual immunity that is consistent with the integrity of society. Is Lord Devlin saying that society consists of the majority of like minded individuals and that the majority enforces their morals on every other individual that would not otherwise take part in the thinking of the majority Rule, forcing individuals to think in the same way as the majority of society. Going back to the question of whom and what is a society? Is Lord Devlin referring to the powers that have been given to certain individuals that represent society (Not requirement the majority) to enforce morality? winning South Africa for example during the Apartheid era were a minority class enforced immorality on its majority. Lord Devlin believed that society is entitled to preserve itself without vouching for the morality that holds it together. Professor H.L.A. Hart responded to Lord Devlin, If one holds any occasion li ke a conventional notion of a society, he said, it is absurd to suggest that every practice the society views as profoundly immoral and disgusting threaten its survival, Professor Hart went on to say that this so silly as arguing that societys existence is threatened by the death of one of its members or the birth of another. Professor Hart goes on to say that Lord Devlins argument fails whether a conventional or an artificial nose out of society is interpreted. Lord Devlin in response to Professor Hart comments, I do not assert that any deviation from a societys shared morality threatens its existence any more than I assert that any subversive activity threatens its existence. I assert that they are both activities which are capable in their nature of threatening the existence of society so that neither can be put beyond the law.The two main issues that are argued between Lord Devlin and Professor Hart is firstly the freedom of choice and secondly the privacy of morality. Lord Dev lins is of the opinion that you can not have Law without morality destroys freedom of conscience and is the paved road to tyranny. Devlins argument centres on what he regards as an important function of the criminal law in enforcing the gener altogethery shared moral values of a society which are associated with its important institutions. The case for the laws enforcement of societys shared morality is based on several different considerations, close to of which are corporal in two doctrines which Hart has labelled the disintegration thesis and the conservative thesis respectively.According to the disintegration thesis, a shared morality is what holds a society together, and hence the enforcement of this morality is necessary to prevent society from collapsing, or at least weakening. On the other hand, the conservative thesis maintains that the majority have a right to follow their moral convictions that their moral environment is a thing of value to be defended from change. Lord Devlin in his works refers to man reason or reasoning. Is man able to be rational? This I find is important and integral makeup for human beings to be moral. Unfortunately both Devlin and Hart in their arguments are attempting to establish or determine what the glue is that holds society together? Where Professor Hart is being more liberal and believing in the very nature of man, Devlin being more conservative saying that man is not capable of being rational.Drinking, drug-taking, homosexuality, abortion, suicide and fornication may cause serious social problems if they are indiscriminately practised. But so likewise would birth control, or the very practice of having very large families, or even, as Devlin himself acknowledges, celibacy. It is therefore not breaches of the shared morality that certain activities can become harmful to society, and hence their being harmful does not in any way support Devlins disintegration thesis.Devlin writes of harm to society as opposed to harm to individuals, On this account harm to individuals is constituted by injury to specific individuals such(prenominal) as is caused by acts of homicide, assault, and robbery. On the other hand, populace harm consists of the impairment of institutional practices and regulatory systems that are in the public interest.Devlins disintegration thesis, with its notion of harm to society, is really an rude(a) covering of the public harm ruler that coercion is necessary to prevent public harm. If this is the case, then there is no disagreement of principle between Devlin and Mill, for Mills principle of harm, embraces both private and public harm. If Devlins claims are correct, then even on Mills independence principle there is a case for the legal enforcement of the shared morality. Devlins disintegration thesis, the harm which justifies legal intervention is not identical with the mere feelings of intolerance, indignation and disgust which arise when the majority in a society underst and that their moral values have been breached. However, when one moves from his disintegration to his conservative thesis, the notion of public harm is either dropped, or else it is transformed in such a manner as to be indistinguishable from the mere feelings of intolerance, indignation, and disgust in the majority. In either case the conservative thesis is incompatible with Mills liberty principle.Hart warned against the perils of populism. Why should the conventional morality of a few members of the population be justification for preventing throng doing what they want?This is based on the theory that nigh peoples views are coloured by superstition and prejudice.Hart reiterated Mills harm principle, Hart pointed out that societies survive changes in basic moral views. It is absurd to enunciate that when such a change occurs, to say one society has disintegrated and been succeeded by another. Both Hart and Devlin raise important issues. Devlins view is practical and focused on the majority rule. Harts is more human and individual. Dworkin suggests that we should abandon the Hart-Devlin debate and concentrate of Liberties. If a behaviour is a Basic Liberty like sex, this should never be taken away, even if someone has a different way of doing sex e.g. R v Brown (1993) HL, general liberties could be restricted if they cause harm. But, it is not idle how you tell the difference between a basic and a general liberty?Thomas Hobbes explains that morality is determined by reason and that reason has as its goal self-preservation seems to lead to the conclusion that morality also has as its goal self-preservation. But it is not the self-preservation of an individual person that is the goal of morality, but of people as citizens of a verbalise. That is, moral virtues are those habits of persons that make it rational for all other people to praise them. These habits are not those that merely lead to an individuals own preservation, but to the preservation of all i.e., to peace and a stable society. Thus, Good dispositions are those that are suitable for entering into civil society and good manners (that is, moral virtues) are those whereby what was entered upon can be best preserved. In the state of nature, people have no education or training, so there is continual fear, and danger of violent death, and the life of man, is solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short. But real people have been brought up in families they are, at least to some degree, civilized persons, and how they will behave depends on how they are brought up. Hobbes does not say that society is a collection of misfits and that this is why we have all the trouble that we do a position congenial to the mental egoist. But he does acknowledge that many also (perhaps most men) either through defect of mind, or want of education, remain unfit during the whole quarrel of their lives yet have they, infants as well as those of riper years, a human nature wherefore man is made fi t for society not by nature, but by education. Education and training may change people so that they act out of genuine moral motives. That is why it is one of the most important functions of the sovereign to provide for the proper training and education of the citizens. I believe that this is by far more relevant than attempting to impose laws on society to control individuals or communities.Law as Morality is just one of the many laws that differentiate between state to state but this one also differentiates from person to person. Law as morality is a law that comes from what you think is morally correct. Morality is the choices we make, and the actions we take. Moral people behave according to personal and public ethics. Immoral people deviate from established behavior. Since the purpose of laws is to condone one type of behavior and condemn another, the making of laws impacts our actions. In a situation such as a set of twins whom are connected at birth and one is going to have to die to save the other. The only thing is, is that one of the twins is healthier than the other, so which one do you kill? Law and morality play a large role here, mainly because there is a legal issue and a moral issue associates with the predicament. The reason law has a part is that after the decision is made it will be examined legally and must be accountable for the consequences. Morality has its place because many will find it morally wrong to take ones life despite any justification. Morality is based off of right and wrong and good and evil and people have different opinion as to what is right and wrong delinquent to their different upbringings and socialisation.SummaryIf, like Hobbes, we regard morality as applying primarily to those manners or habits that lead to peace, then his view seems satisfactory. It yields, as he notes, all of the moral virtues that are ordinarily considered such, and further, it allows one to distinguish courage, prudence, and temperance from th e moral virtues. Perhaps most important, it provides, in almost self-evident fashion, the justification of morality. For what is it to justify morality but to show that reason favours it? Reason, desire self-preservation, must favour morality, which seeks peace and a stable society. For reason knows that peace and a stable society are essential for lasting preservation. This simple and elegant justification of morality does not reduce morality to prudence rather it is an attempt, in a great philosophical tradition stemming from Plato, to reconcile reason or rational self-interest and morality.To summarize Hobbess system people, insofar as they are rational, want to live out their natural lives in peace and security. To do this, they must come together into cities or states of sufficient size to deter attack by any group. But when people come together in such a large group there will always be some that cannot be trusted, and thus it is necessary to set up a government with the powe r to make and enforce laws. This government, which gets both its right to govern and its power to do so from the consent of the governed, has as its primary duty the peoples safety. As long as the government provides this safety the citizens are obliged to obey the laws of the state in all things. Thus, the rationality of seeking lasting preservation requires seeking peace this in turn requires setting up a state with sufficient power to keep the peace. Anything that threatens the stability of the state is to be avoided.Margaret Thatcher once declared, Theres no such thing as society, there are individual men and women and there are families.Civility is not just good manners it is part of democracy and respecting people that are different from ourselves with whom we differ maybe even very sharply. But maintaining a balance in which we can have respect for the rights of other people who have different views.

The Effect Of Race On Poverty

The Effect Of Race On PovertyRacism has existed throughout human history, and it continues to represent rigorousingful problems for some great deal in the joined States today. Racism is the belief that ones endure is primarily, the determining factor that reflects human traits and capacity. Racist ideology generally supports the premise that a special(prenominal) race is either superior or inferior to a nonher, and that a persons social and moral traits argon predetermined by his or her inborn biological characteristics. The distinction of racial differences, gives way to the belief of an inherent superiority of a particular race(s), while simultaneously ordering other races in a hierarchy. Institutional racial discrimination causes large numbers of individuals, who are deemed inferior, to be denied even basic rights or benefits befitting mankind. Conversely, the group that is deemed superior has, historically, been elevated to positions that allow them to enjoy preferential treatment over the so called inferior group(s). Why do people from one social group oppress and discriminate against people from other social groups and why is it so difficult to eliminate? The purpose of this look at considers if racial discrimination continues to represent a significant problem for African Americans and other ethnic minorities in the U.S. Some race theorist feel compelled to assert the rather pessimistic view that racism is permanent, and even the use of politics and policy will not curtail the development of racial distinction and antagonisms. Racial in equating has become an enduring, deeply regimented specifys of knowing and organizing the social world, and thus it is un belike to be completely eliminated. The dispirited experience in the United States has enriched the fabric of American history and society in a myriad of ways, many of which have solitary(prenominal) recently been recognized. However, the overarching theme of Black and other minority gr oup experience has been one of misery, exploitation, inequality, and discrimination. It is to this end, that those who wish to understand the minority experience in America take in the following question Are minorities making progress in the United States?Recent battles regarding civil rights and race discrimination in the United States were fought on cardinal fronts legal, and the publics perception of race. Legal fronts consisted of lawsuits and amended legislation prompted institutions such as schools, banks, and government agencies to lessen race discrimination. Brown vs. the board of preparation, the civil rights act of 1964/65, and other subsequent battles brought race discrimination to the attention of the American public. The former front involves the publics perception of race. Henry and Sears (2002) argue that public sentiment concerning African Americans is governed by a psychological blend of negative feelings and conservative values, particularly the belief that Afri can Americans violate cherished American values. The perception of African Americans is rooted in an abstract clay of early learned moral values and ideas that typically view them as social misfits.Racial conflict has plagued the United States from its inception, in particular it has been primarily driven by racial prejudice of African-American (Allport, 1979). While overt forms of racial discrimination, such as Jim crow segregation has all been eliminated in the United States, and whites opinions regarding racial issues have become more(prenominal)(prenominal) liberal nevertheless, racial discrimination remains a significant difficulty for many ethnic minority groups to contend with in the United States. Moreover, recent enquiry shows that racism has evolved from these overt forms of Jim Crow segregation (older belief systems which incorporated social distance amid the races). One form of research has developed around the basic idea that new forms of racism has taken root in A merica, is the symbolic racism theory (Sears, 1988). According to Kender and Sears (1981) symbolic racism is commonly described as a coherent belief system which supports concepts that, racial discrimination is no longer a valid point of debate for African Americans, and that their disadvantage stems from personal irresponsibility, and thus their continual demand for equal treatment is not valid.Proponents of liberal optimism, on the other hand, contend that viable solutions to our nations race problems are possible. Robert parks (1950) clearly articulate mark concepts of a race relation cycle. Parks argues that race relations develop in a quartet cycle stage contact, conflict, accommodation, and assimilation. The first stage occurs when two or more several(predicate) races of people come together, and they are obliged to interact with each other. Competing for unique resources, they fall into conflict, which eventually gives way to accommodation, where a stable but antagonist social order fosters a social hierarchy. Finally, Parks asserts that accommodation is attained when different races assimilate through a process of cultural and physical merging. The end result of such a merger is the development of one homogenous race, where variant supersedes race as the primary focal point of social distinction. Parks ascertain that race relations ever pass through the previously make four stages, and that the present location of particular race of people, offers strong evidence to suggest not only their past but also the future caterpillar track that a particular race of people will encounter.Our society, like many others throughout the world, is organized by powerful dynamics that are oft rattling difficult to interrupt. Privilege is a predictable precursor for such things as race distinction, because the privileged group must distinguish itself from other groups. Distinctions based on race may not always be carried out with malicious intent, however, to suggest that the effects of such characterizations are inconsequential, definitely deserves examination. But, how are we to understand the realities that two produce such distinctions and the ensuing consequences that they invariably produce? Do we view them as purely accidental, or as oddities that simply seem to happen? Or is race, in fact, reflective of designed dynamics that are sown into the very fabric of our society?III. RESEARCH HYPOTHESISDoes race affect income equality? In theory, income does affect the quality of life, in terms of having resources to insure ones success. The concept of income train should demonstrate rather racism remains a significant barrier for the economic advancement of African Americans and other minorities in the U.S. The issues here that are under consideration do not dispute the fact that the position of African Americans and other minorities has changed in the last generation rather it is the less traceable issue of whether these changes can be summed-up as measurable advancement of economic equality, and consequently an improvement in the quality of life of minorities in the United States. The social economic status of Caucasians (the comparison group), African Americans, and other minorities African Americans and other minorities will be compared to discovery which group, on average, has a entireness family income below 25, 000 dollars. The context of relative total family income level of, individuals in a particular race, demonstrates to what degree, if any, racial equality has been achieved by considering which group is more potential to receive in scantiness.IV. DATA AND VARIABLESIn order to empirically examine rather race remains a significant barrier for the equality of ethnic minorities in the United States, this researcher uses General Social Services (GSS) info. The GSS were designed as part of a data dispersion project in 1972. The GSS replicated questionnaire items and wording in order to facilitate ti me trend studies. This data collection includes a cumulative file that merges all data collected as part of the General Social Services Surveys from 1972 to 2004. The 2004 survey was composed of permanent questions that appeared on two out of every three surveys and a small number of occasional questions that occurred in a single study.The DEPENDENT VARIABLEIncome LevelA comparative level of income between Caucasians (the comparison group), African Americans and other ethnic minorities over time will demonstrate rather racism remains a central hindrance to the advancement of minorities in the United States. That is, I guesswork that Caucasians will show a high mean income from that of minorities and, therefore, a lowered propensity for having a total family income of 25,000 dollars or less. If racial equality is present between races, then, we can expect to see a somewhat uniform distribution of income between the different ethnic groups, and an average number of people in differe nt races, living in poverty. However, if we see a significant difference between mean incomes of different ethnic groups, then, we assume that there is no real equality. The continuous variable income was converted to a dichotomous variable (because of a skewed distribution of income) where if respondents total family income is 25,000 or less, then they are considered to live in poverty conversely, if the respondents total family income was above 25,000 dollars per year, then they are coded as not being in poverty.Income level is measured by the GSS variable (VAR INCOME). Respondents were asked, In which of these groups did your total family income, from all sources, fall last year before taxes that is? A fifteen point response category was used to capture respondents answers under $1,000 $ gramme to 1,999 $2,000 to 2,999 $3,000 to 3,999 $4,000 to 4,999 5,000 to 5,999 $6,000 to 6,999 $7,000 to 7,999 $8,000 to 8,999 $9,000 to 9,999 $10,000 to 14,999 $15,000 to 19,999 $20,000 to 24,00 0 $25,000 or over refused dont know, no answer not applicable. The variable INCOME was converted into a dichotomous variable 1) 1= living in poverty (income $25,000 or less) 2) 0= not living in poverty (income above $25,000).THE KEY INDEPENDENT VARIABLERaceThe mere distinction of individuals by race invariably gives way to the belief that slight biological differences between certain groups of people predetermines the worth, intelligence, value, and other aspects of a persons being. As a consequence, race distinction, is typically followed by the governance of preset stereotypes regarding a particular group of people, and the creation of a racial hierarchy. Distinction by race has been the catalyst, throughout mans history, for wars as well as hate-crimes, and it has caused much(prenominal) human suffering not only in the U.S., but indeed, throughout the entire world. It is this authors hypothesis that race continues to plague minorities in the U.S.Race is measured by the GSS vari able (VAR rush). Respondents were asked, What race do you consider yourself? Respondents were asked to select their appropriate race from a three-point scale White, Black, or other (specify). The key independent variable RACE was dichotomized as follows 1) Black or not, and 2) opposite race or not.THE INDENENDENT VARIABLESThe independent variables in this study are Age, Sex, Education, religion, political affiliation, and years of education and training.AgeIt is my hypothesis that the working age of an individual will be positively correlated with a higher(prenominal) mean income. That is, when people begin to work they will often start at the low end of the pay scale in their respective occupations. However, as they gain more experience on the job, their worth to their employer increases, and thus they can demand higher incomes.Age is measured by the GSS variable (VAR AGE). Respondents were asked to indicate their age by selection from the approximate eight point survival catego ry. The categories are listed as follows 10-19 years of age (y.o.a.), 20-29 (y.o.a.), 30-39 (y.o.a.), 40-49 (y.o.a.), 50-59 (y.o.a.), 60-69 (y.o.a), 70-79 (y.o.a), 80 or over, and No answer/dont know.REMARKSRespondents age Data has been recoded into actual age in cols. 92 and 93. take up Appendix D, and Appendix E. Age distribution, for the detailed response. The distribution for the first digit, col. 92 is given below. See Appendix N for changes.SEXNot only is income level stratified along racial dement ions, but, also by sexuality. Traditionally, the U.S. has always exercised patriarchal domination, and, as such men have characteristically held more prestigious conflict positions that typically pay more. Therefore, I hypothesize that the mean income of men will be higher than that of women.Gender is measured the GSS variable (VAR SEX). Code respondents sex, theywere asked to indicate their gender by using the following two point responsecategory Male, Female Male=1, female=2.Ed ucation LevelI hypothesize that higher individual levels of education will be positively correlatedwith higher a mean income. Individuals who have higher levels of education will bemore valuable to their employers because of special training, job skills, andknowledge allows them to perform specialized tasks.Education is measured by the GSS variable (VAR DEGREE). Respondents wereasked,What is your highest level of education? Respondents were asked to select their appropriate education level from a six-point scale which is listed as follows 1) Less than high school, 2) High school, 3) Associate/ junior college, 4) Bachelors, 5) Graduate, and 6) Dont know.Religion Raised withI hypothesize those individuals who were raise in families that regularly attended religious services as children will have a stronger work ethic, than those who did not, consequently, those individuals who were raised with religion will possess a higher mean income than those respondents who were not raised in a family that attended religious services.Religion is measured by using the GSS variable (VAR RELIG16). Respondents were asked, In what religion were you raised? Respondents were asked to select the religion they were raised in by making a selection from the following five-point choice selection category Protestant, Catholic, Jewish, none, other (specify religion, and/or church denomination. The variable RELIGION was dichotomized as follows 1) Jewish or not, 2) Catholic or not, 3) Protestant or not 4) former(a) religion or not, and None or not raised with any religion, is the comparison group.Political AffiliationI hypothesize those respondents who are republicans (who typically hold moretraditional values) will be more positively correlated with higher mean income levelsthan those of other political affiliations.Political affiliation is measured using the GSS Variable (VAR PARDYID). Respondents were asked, Generally speaking do you usually think of yourself as Republican, Democrat, Independent, or what? The variable PARDYID was dicothomised as follows 1) Democrat or not 2) Independent or not 3) otherwise political troupe or not.Hypothesis 1 Is there any significant gap in the income of African Americans and other minorities compared to those of Caucasians in the United States, and what ethnic minorities are more likely to live under the poverty level? If we find that a particular ethnic group is more likely to live in poverty compared to Whites, then, one might conclude that racism continues to remain a significant obstacle for the economic advancement of the aforementioned minority groups. In addition to race, this study will also consider the impact of age, gender, religion, political affiliation, educational attainment, and the number of years spent obtaining formal education and training, with respect to relative income and those who live in poverty. Poverty is defined as the total family income level of respondents that falls at or under 25,000 annually .V. THE FINDINGSFrequency Distribution of the D.V. and the Key I.V.The main hypothesis of this stem singles out the dependent variable as total family annual income (VAR INCOME), this continuous variable was converted into a dichotomous variable 1) respondents whose total family income was 25,000 dollars or less are considered to be in poverty, and they were coded as 1 and 2) those respondents whose total family income is above 25,000 dollars were coded as 0and they are considered not in poverty. There was a total of 2,812 respondents.1, 764 respondents (71.1%) reported that their total family income was $25,000 or more (not in poverty), and 718 (28.9%) reported that their total family was income was below $25,000 (in poverty), and 330 (11.7%) respondents showed missing data for this question.The Key Independent VariableRaceThe key independent variable for this study is race (VAR RACE), and this nominal variable was dichotomized as follows 1) Black or not, 2) Other race or not (Whi te is the comparison group). The absolute oftenness distribution for Black or not is as follows there was a total of 2,812 respondents in this study, 377 of whom (13.4%) reported that they were Black, 2,482 respondents indicated that they were not Black, and 333 respondents failed to answer the question. The frequency distribution for Other race or not is as follows 2812 respondents took part in the survey, and 201 persons reported that their race was Other (7, 1%), and 2,611 respondents reported that their race was not Other.Chart 1Chart 2Calculate Univariate Statistics.The dependent variable INCOME was converted to a dichotomous variable (in poverty or not) and it has a frequency of 2482, a mean of 0.2893, and a normal exit of 0.45352. Most respondents in the survey had incomes that were 25,000 or more (not in poverty).The key independent variable RACE was dichotomized as follows Black or not, and Other race or not (Whites are the comparison group). The frequency for Black or n ot is 2812, with a mean of 0.1341, and a exemplification deviation of 0.34079. The frequency for Other race or not is 2812, with a mean of 0.0715, and a standard deviation of 0.25767.AGE has a frequency of 2803, a mean of 45.96, and a standard deviation of16.1801.RESPONDENTS SEX has a frequency of 2812, a mean of 1.54, and a standard deviation of 0.498.RS HIGHEST DEGREE has a frequency of 2811, a mean of 1.61, and a standard deviation of 1.207.RELIGION IN WHICH RAISED was dichotomized as follows 1) Jewish or not, 2) Catholic or not, 3) Protestant or not, and 4) Other religion or not (No religion is the comparison group). Jewish or not has a frequency of 2809, a mean of 0.0228, and a standard deviation of 14924. Catholic or not has a frequency of 2801, a mean of 0.2960, and a standard deviation of 45656. Protestant or not has a frequency of 2801, a mean of 0.5598, and a standard deviation of 49650. Other religion or not has a frequency of 280, a mean of 0.0421, and a standard deviat ion of 20092.PARTYID was dichotomized as follows 1) Democrat or not, 2) Independent or not, and 4) Other political party (no political affiliation is the comparison group). Democrat or not has a frequency of 2800, a mean of 0, 3425, and a standard deviation of 0.47463. Independent or not has a frequency of 2800, a mean of 0.3539, a standard deviation of 0.47827. Other political party or not has a frequency of 2800, a mean of 0.0104, and a standard deviation of 0.10126.Pearsons Correlation AnalysisAs hypothesized Pearsons correlation coefficient supports the premises that the total family income of Blacks, on average, is likely to fall at or below 25,000 dollars (poverty). Pearsons correlation is 0.175 (very significant) therefore we renounce the unreal hypothesis, and accept the alternative. That is, there is a significant difference between the average total families incomes of Blacks compared to Whites.Other races appeared to earn slightly more that Whites. Pearsons correlation for Other is -0.003. Therefore, we fail to reject the null hypothesis for Others, and conclude that there is no significant difference between the average total family incomes of others as opposed to Whites.Pearsons correlation for income and other political party is -0.029, indicating a slight decrease in the number of other political party members who have a total family income of 25,000 dollars or less. Therefore, we fail to reject the null, and conclude that other political party affiliation does not significantly affect the total family income of these respondents, as opposed to Republicans.Pearsons correlation between poverty and Democrats show .064. Therefore, we reject the null, and accept the alternate hypothesis Democrats are significantly more likely to show a family income of 25, 0000 or more a year. Democrats are less likely to have a total family income of 25,000 dollars or less.Pearsons correlation between Independent party and poverty is -0.064, which is significant, therefore we reject the null hypothesis and accept the alternative hypothesis. Independent party membership has a significant affect on poverty. That is Independent party members are more likely to have total family incomes of 25,000 dollars or less.Pearsons correlation between the Jewish religion and poverty is -.052 which is significant. Therefore, we reject the null hypothesis, and accept the alternative hypothesis. We conclude by stating that respondents who are Jewish are more likely to have a totally family income that is above 25,000 dollars.Pearsons correlation for Catholics is -0.55 which is significant. Therefore, we reject the null hypothesis, and conclude that Catholics are less likely to show a total family income of less than 25,000 dollars.Pearsons correlation for Protestants is -0.028 which is insignificant. Therefore, we fail to reject the null hypothesis, and reject the alternative hypothesis. We conclude that respondents who are Protestant are not likely to have incomes below 25, 0000 dollars.Pearson correlation between other religions and poverty is 0.017 which is statistically insignificant. Therefore, we fail to reject the null hypothesis, and reject the alternative hypothesis. Respondents who coded as having Other political affiliation are not likely to have total family incomes below 25,000 dollars.Likelihood Ratio Chi-Sq.390.482**Nagelkerke R-Square.2093*P

Tools of the Astronomer :: essays research papers

The Telescope of the AstronomerYears and Years ago, astronomers didnt have the advantage of the telescope. They could only use their naked eye. It wasnt until Galileo first made a give away telescope that it could be used for looking into space. Most every telescope you buy today is better than the one he used. These telescopes have revolutionized astronomy in general.When Galileo first took his telescope and looked at the sky he saw amazing things. He saw craters on the Moon, dark spots on the surface of the Sun, exact moons moving around Jupiter. No one else had ever seen these things. With the modern telescopes we use today, we bum see many many more things.Light from planets, stars and galaxies spreads itself on Earth, and a telescope collects this light and lets us look at the object the light came from. Some telescopes, called refracting telescopes, collect and focus light through a glass lens. another(prenominal) type, the reflecting telescopes, reflect light on a glass mi rror. The bigger the telescope the more light it collects, giving us a better view of what we neediness to look at. Some dont have just one big mirror, it has many micro mirrors that fit together like bathroom tile. With the help of a computer, these little mirrors work together like one big mirror. The Hubble Space Telescope is the largest orbiting optical telescope in history.The refracting and reflecting telescopes collect and focus viewable light, which is light that we can see. There are also other types of light that we cannot see. Nowadays astronomers have telescopes to looks at different types of light. On Earth we can look at visible light and radio waves. A few of the very largest telescopes look for radio light. Other types of light, like X-ray light and ultraviolet light, can only be looked at from space, so astronomers have built telescopes in space that orbit the Earth. The most famous is the Hubbell Space Telescope.

Sikh Dharma :: essays research papers

Sikh Dharma, the youngest of the world religions, is barely five hundred years old. Its founder, Guru Nanak, was born in 1469. Guru Nanak spread a simple message of "Ek Ong Kar" we are every(prenominal) one, created by the One Creator of all Creation. This was at a time when India was being torn apart by castes, sectarianism, religious factions, and fanaticism. He aligned with no religion, and respected all religions. He expressed the reality that there is one God and many paths, and the Name of God is lawfulness, "Sat Nam". Guru Nanaks followers were Sikhs (seekers of truth). He taught them to spark only before God, and to link themselves to the Guru, the Light of Truth, who lives always in direct consciousness of God, experiencing no separation. Through words and example, the Guru demonstrates to followers how to experience God inwardly themselves, bringing them from darkness into light. Guru Nanak was a humble bearer of this Light of Truth. He opposed supersti tion, injustice, and hypocrisy and inspired seekers by singing divine songs which touched the police wagon of the most callous listeners. These songs were recorded, and formed the beginnings of the Sikhs sacred writings, later to become the "Siri Guru Granth Sahib".Guru Nanak taught his way of lifeNam Japa - To get up each day before sunrise, to clean the body, reverberate on Gods Name and recite the Gurus hymns to clean the mind. Throughout the day, continuously remember Gods Name with every breath.Dharam di Kirat Karni - To work and earn by the sweat of the brow, to live a family way of life, and practice truthfulness and honesty in all dealings.Vand Ke Chakna - To share the fruits of ones labor with others before considering oneself. Thus, to live as an inspiration and a support to the accurate community.The Golden Chain The foundation of Sikh Dharma was laid down by Guru Nanak. Guru Nanak infused his own consciousness into a disciple, who then became Guru, subsequentl y passing the light on to the next, and so on. The word "Guru" is derived from the root words "Gu", which means darkness or ignorance, and "Ru", which means light or knowledge The Guru is the experience of Truth (God).Each one of the ten Gurus represents a divine attributeGuru Nanak - Humility Guru Angad - Obedience Guru Amar Das Equality Guru Ram Das -